This fascist resistance to 'integration' and intermingling of races, genders, etc. aimed at America with the intention of provoking revolution.' 'To insist that Africans leave their own institutions and attend Aryans,' Cather complained, 'would place this nation in the ridiculous position of fighting communism abroad and encouraging it at home.' Cather assailed efforts to integrate colleges as 'a part of communistic doctrine. After taking a strong stand against anti-Communist legislation throughout most of 1947, Southern Labor Review editor A.H. The racist response to Communism was not limited to white supremacist and conservative groups, however. Indeed, the, the League to Maintain White Supremacy, and the Alabama American Legion deftly appropriated Cold War language to legitimize white supremacy before the rest of the world. Having a seizure while black is a risk to your life in more ways than the obvious one. In some ways, it is also a depressing read-Kelley talks about how a young black man was arrested once, and subject to police brutality, simply because he was having a seizure and a theatre manager 'misread' the situation and called the cops instead of an ambulance. This book goes a long way towards demonstrating how American anticommunism is deeply rooted in white supremacy. Much of this information is new to me, so I can't critique the book on grounds of inaccuracies, etc.Ī really thorough and enlightening study on communist and labour organising in the American South. After discussing the book's origins and impact in a new preface written for this twenty-fifth-anniversary edition, Kelley reflects on what a militantly antiracist, radical movement in the heart of Dixie might teach contemporary social movements confronting rampant inequality, police violence, mass incarceration, and neoliberalism. The result was a remarkably resilient movement forged in a racist world that had little tolerance for radicals. Kelley reveals how the experiences and identities of these people from Alabama's farms, factories, mines, kitchens, and city streets shaped the Party's tactics and unique political culture. The Alabama Communist Party was made up of working people without a Euro-American radical political tradition: devoutly religious and semiliterate black laborers and sharecroppers, and a handful of whites, including unemployed industrial workers, housewives, youth, and renegade liberals.

A groundbreaking contribution to the history of the 'long Civil Rights movement,' Hammer and Hoe tells the story of how, during the 1930s and 40s, Communists took on Alabama's repressive, racist police state to fight for economic justice, civil and political rights, and racial equality.

Robin kelley hammer and hoe